Why Is Mao Zedong Making A Comeback In China?
November 24, 2009
Martin McCauley writes: When the father of Chinese perestroika, the late Deng Xiaoping, had won the struggle to succeed the late communist leader, Mao Zedong, in 1978 he ordered the removal of statues and mementos of the Mao period. Deng wanted to demonstrate that the era of dead pan communism was over. Policy was supposed to be decided not by the whims of the leadership but on the basis of hard facts and figures. Mao was probably turning in his grave in those days.But now it is time for Deng to start doing the same: Mao’s legacy is enjoying the great revival and statues to the Great Helmsman are once again being erected in China. Why is this?
In cities and provinces which President Obama or other foreign dignitaries do not visit, the symbols of the Cultural Revolution (1966-76) are beginning to proliferate. In Chongqing, one of the most dynamic industrial centres in China, statues of Mao are appearing in public parks, at Communist Party and government offices, at factories, schools and universities. The daddy of them all is a seven storey statue of Mao in the city’s education quarter. It dwarfs local colleges, libraries and halls of residence. A 32 metre high torso of the great comrade is also being erected in his home village in Hunan province. During the October 1 festivities to mark the 60th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic, the long forgotten slogan: ‘Long Live Mao Zedong Thought’ reappeared. It was proudly proclaimed by students and Beijing residents.
There are three reasons why Mao is back. One is nationalism and patriotic pride in the founder of the People’s Republic. Deng Xiaoping and his successors banned any discussion of the depredations of the Great Leap Forward (1958-61) and Cultural Revolution. A conservative estimate is that 38 million citizens died of hunger and disease during what has been dubbed The Great Leap Backwards. Several million died during the Cultural Revolution. Hence it is unlikely that young Chinese are aware of Mao’s cruel side. A recent film, sponsored by the Central Communist Party School, portrays Mao as the ‘pride of the Chinese race’. A Party theoretician argues that the search for an ‘ultimate faith’ to carry China through the present financial crisis is a major factor in the rediscovery of Mao.
Another way of understanding the ‘lurch to the left’ is to regard it as evidence of factional infighting among leaders of the Communist Party of China (CPC). In China, the ‘left’ signifies emphasising socialist values, stressing the Party’s monopoly on power and less emphasis on market forces in the economy. The Tibetan riots in 2008 have led to a much harsher policy towards dissidents and civil rights activists. The financial meltdown has produced greater emphasis on state direction of the economy. The $585 billion financial stimulus package is aimed exclusively at the state run economic sector. Private enterprises are being squeezed out. Chinese banks lent $1.1 trillion to state enterprises during the first nine months of this year.
Some Party officials have begun stressing Maoist values when articulating public policy. Mao was extremely egalitarian and argued that this was the only way to demolish the ‘three mountains’ of feudalism, bureaucratic capitalism and imperialism. His present day acolytes now refer to ‘three new mountains’: excessive prices in the housing, medical and education sectors. Chongqing’s first Party secretary and member of the Politburo Bo Xilai has called for the development of a ‘Red Gross Domestic Product’. This implies that economic development should focus on the needs of the masses and not the privileged minority in China. There are now an estimated 30,000 US dollar millionaires in the country. The city has pledged to ensure that at least a third of new apartments are reserved for workers and farmers. Property prices in Shanghai and Shenzhen, for instance, have been increasing sharply of late. Bo quotes Mao: ‘We must serve the people with all our hearts and minds’. This is the only way to ensure the dominance of the CPC.
There are two main factions within the leadership at present: the so called princelings and the Communist Youth League (CYL) group. The critical date is 2012, when the fourth generation leadership of President Hu Jintao and Prime Minister Wen Jiabao is due to pass power to the fifth generation leaders. Bo and Vice President Xi Jinping, who are princelings, or sons of former top officials, just happen to be the leaders of the new Maoist cult. Emphasising Maoist values is an implicit criticism of the present leadership’s promotion of economic growth which has seen the gulf between rich and poor widen dramatically.
Vice President Xi Jinping is expected to succeed Hu Jintao as President. When touring the country Xi likes to praise those workers eulogised by Mao Zedong. President Hu’s CYL faction – most of whom are Party apparatchiks from lowly backgrounds – cannot claim the same revolutionary lineage as the princelings.
What can the Hu-Wen leadership do to counter the new Maoist campaign of the princelings? They could move to the left and hope that this will take the shine off their opponents. This would mean clamping down on private businesses and promoting the state sector even more. The down side of this policy would, most likely, be a slowdown of the economy. In these difficult times, China needs all the economic dynamism it can muster. This would tend to favour greater incentives for the private sector. However, the factional struggle within the leadership at present precludes such a policy. Is an economic slowdown in prospect?
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